At one point in his career, not too long ago, Pablo Iglesias was expected to become prime minister as part of a reconstruction of Spanish politics that would primarily strengthen the left.
But this week, Spain’s Podemos top leader ended his political ambitions after coming fifth in the top Election in Madrid, A contest in which he planned to rally the left but instead united the right against himself.
“We have failed,” said the 42-year-old, who served as a deputy prime minister in the national government until last month, when he announced that he was resigning from all his remaining posts. “I’m not contributing to increasing support.”
It was a shocking rebuke for a man who once hoped to lead a left-wing national government – based on a mismatch in the 2015 general election – but whose movement was weakened by internal strife and failed to improve power.
The fall of Iglesias as the worst bet in recent Spanish history is more than a gamble; Even with the departure of internal rivals, in recent years he has come to dominate the crisis of existence for Podemos.
It is also part of a political quake that has frustrated Spain’s socialist-led government, given the ultimate victory to its enemies on the right, and strengthened regional leaders against the central administration.
Madrid is the biggest winner in the vote Isabel Diaz Ayuso, The regional leader who triggered the election and doubled the votes of his Conservative People’s Party, has partially reversed the fragmented part of the Spanish in recent years.
He emerged victorious after a year of clashes with Socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, largely over his reluctance to enforce strict coronavirus restrictions.
After securing his victory, he happily said: “They will no longer be able to impose anything on us.” This was an indication that the result could accelerate the long-term trend where regions have gained power at the expense of the national government.
The Socialists have been weakened by their disappointing performance in the run-up to the first election, in 2012, when they dropped to third place, losing more than a third of their vote – as well as the weakness of their national coalition partner Podemos.
In Tuesday’s vote, Moore came behind Madrid, a party made up of former Podemos leaders.
“Socialists are being partially punished for managing epidemics and the economy [which last year contracted by 10.8 per cent]”Sanchez believes that vaccinations, recovery and EU funding will improve his situation,” said Pablo Semen, a prominent Spanish political scientist.
The left side is on the defensive side. Not only did Diaz Ayuso support the pseudodans for the failed centrist formation, but he also persuaded the Socialists and the people to increase the overall right-wing participation in Tuesday’s election – from 51 percent in 2016 to 58 percent in Tuesday’s election. Refrained from supporting him in the past.
Both sides point out that at least part of that success was due to Iglesias.
In Velizitori’s remarks, Iglesias – a former adviser to the Venezuelan government whom Daz Ayuso rejected as a disciple of the late Hugo Chavez – acknowledged that he had fought harder than the conservative and centralist vote against him. He said, “I have become a scapegoat.
By entering the campaign, the Podemos leader became the center of attention, and accepted the 722-year-old Socialist candidate, Angel Gabilondo, who briefly and incredibly protested that he would not form a government with Iglesias.
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Eventually, the socialists adopted an Iglesias-style strategy and campaigned against the threat of “fascism” – mentioning the possibility of Diaz Ayuso coming to power by the hard-right Vokes. Seamen, however, noted that Iglesias had the lowest vote rating of the main candidates in the contest, indicating that voters were more concerned about him – and therefore the left – should keep him out of office.
Spanish Labor Minister Eolanda Daz has left Inglesius Podemos to an uncertain future in favor of her already taking over as deputy prime minister, although she has hinted at her priorities.
He is a less discriminating person despite being a card-bearing member of the Communist Party. But challenges remain for Podemos, who entered the national government in January last year as a junior partner of the Socialists.
Like other smaller groups to the left of the top party, such as the Communists of Frances Mitrand’s Georges Marchais in France in the early 1970s, or the Social Democrats of Germany during the Great Alliance of the last decade, its popularity declined while in office.
“Junior partners in the Assam Alliance are often the losers,” said Sandra Lane of Carlos III University in Madrid, adding that Podemos had failed to secure several regional parliamentary seats in the Spanish political arena. “Padmos was built around the image of Pablo Iglesias, and this change of leadership has clearly come at a very difficult time for them.”
With Iglesias stepping out of politics, the region could hardly be different from the 2015 election, when Podemos and Pseudadans entered parliament with more than a third of the vote between them.
Centralist Ciudadanos – Now a mountain of this power seems to have come to an end when Podemos seeks to regain relevance as a second utterance to socialists in the shadow of the resurrection rights.